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This research challenges the standard assumption in language model probing that repetition frequency affects predictions uniformly regardless of readout position. The study reveals a distinct inverted-U effect where displaced repetitions degrade prediction probability after an initial peak, contrasting sharply with adjacent priming effects observed across multiple languages and architectures. These findings are critical for researchers designing diagnostic probes, as they demonstrate that probe placement is not orthogonal to the lexical repetition variable being measured.
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When More Becomes Less: Position-Dependent Repetition Effects in Language Models

arXiv3 min read

arXiv:2608.04021v1 Announce Type: new Abstract: Cloze-style probes that vary how often a target token appears implicitly assume that more copies of a target affect prediction the same way regardless of where the readout slot sits. We show this assumption fails. Our two-probe design holds a repeated-target prefix fixed and varies only the readout position: the adjacent probe places the slot immediately after the repeated block; the displaced probe places it inside a fresh sentence frame. Adjacent repetition behaves as priming intuition predicts: $P(\text{target})$ climbs with $N$ and plateaus. Displaced repetition produces an inverted-U: $P(\text{target})$ rises to an early peak and then declines as more copies are added. The displaced inverted-U shows a per-word drop with bootstrap CI excluding zero in all 13 open-access encoder and decoder models we test, and replicates across Spanish, Chinese, German, and French in 42 of 42 multilingual cells. A six-condition causal ablation isolates the effect to exact lexical repetition rather than length, generic redundancy, or semantic-neighbour exposure. A frame-pragmatics control rules out an artefact of the readout frame. Internally, per-target-token attention falls with $N$ while the total budget assigned to the repeated block grows in causal LMs but not in the masked LM we probe. Probes that vary repetition count cannot treat the readout position as orthogonal to what they measure.

Abstract:Cloze-style probes that vary how often a target token appears implicitly assume that more copies of a target affect prediction the same way regardless of where the readout slot sits. We show this assumption fails. Our two-probe design holds a repeated-target prefix fixed and varies only the readout position: the adjacent probe places the slot immediately after the repeated block; the displaced probe places it inside a fresh sentence frame. Adjacent repetition behaves as priming intuition predicts: $P(\text{target})$ climbs with $N$ and plateaus. Displaced repetition produces an inverted-U: $P(\text{target})$ rises to an early peak and then declines as more copies are added. The displaced inverted-U shows a per-word drop with bootstrap CI excluding zero in all 13 open-access encoder and decoder models we test, and replicates across Spanish, Chinese, German, and French in 42 of 42 multilingual cells. A six-condition causal ablation isolates the effect to exact lexical repetition rather than length, generic redundancy, or semantic-neighbour exposure. A frame-pragmatics control rules out an artefact of the readout frame. Internally, per-target-token attention falls with $N$ while the total budget assigned to the repeated block grows in causal LMs but not in the masked LM we probe. Probes that vary repetition count cannot treat the readout position as orthogonal to what they measure.

Computation and Language (cs.CL); Machine Learning (cs.LG)

arXiv:2608.04021 [cs.CL]

(or arXiv:2608.04021v1 [cs.CL] for this version)

https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.2608.04021 Focus to learn more arXiv-issued DOI via DataCite

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Full text under the publisher's open licence · 307 words

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