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This study investigates how large language models avoid grammatical overgeneralizations by distinguishing between preemption and entrenchment mechanisms during training on child-caregiver data. The findings reveal that while LMs successfully suppress incorrect constructions, they rely on abstract rather than verb-specific preemption and interpret competing structures as indirect positive evidence. These insights highlight critical gaps in neural network learners regarding the processing of indirect negative evidence compared to human acquisition patterns.
Disentangling Statistical Preemption from Entrenchment in Language Models' Avoidance of Overgeneralization
arXiv:2609.01794v1 Announce Type: new Abstract: How do learners avoid overgeneralizations such as Tom laughed me without explicit negative evidence? Constructionists have posited two proposals that describe indirect negative evidence against overgeneralizations: preemption (which privileges exposure to near-synonymous construction---e.g., she made him laugh) vs. entrenchment (all exposures to a verb's grammatical usages, including cases like He laughed). We disentangle these hypotheses by running controlled rearing experiments on LMs trained on child-caregiver conversations, where we systematically remove preemptive vs. non-preemptive evidence. We find that while LMs avoid overgeneralizations, they do not show preemption at a verb-specific level, instead showing weak but non-zero evidence of abstract preemption. Combined with results from analyzing the LMs' training dynamics, we find that LMs treat competing structures as indirect positive---as opposed to negative---evidence in the verb-specific condition. Insofar as preemption is the more plausible route to avoiding overgeneralizations in humans, our results point the need for there to be sensitivities to indirect negative evidence in neural network learners, and suggest new human experiments to test abstract preemption.
Abstract:How do learners avoid overgeneralizations such as Tom laughed me without explicit negative evidence? Constructionists have posited two proposals that describe indirect negative evidence against overgeneralizations: preemption (which privileges exposure to near-synonymous construction---e.g., she made him laugh) vs. entrenchment (all exposures to a verb's grammatical usages, including cases like He laughed). We disentangle these hypotheses by running controlled rearing experiments on LMs trained on child-caregiver conversations, where we systematically remove preemptive vs. non-preemptive evidence. We find that while LMs avoid overgeneralizations, they do not show preemption at a verb-specific level, instead showing weak but non-zero evidence of abstract preemption. Combined with results from analyzing the LMs' training dynamics, we find that LMs treat competing structures as indirect positive---as opposed to negative---evidence in the verb-specific condition. Insofar as preemption is the more plausible route to avoiding overgeneralizations in humans, our results point the need for there to be sensitivities to indirect negative evidence in neural network learners, and suggest new human experiments to test abstract preemption.
Computation and Language (cs.CL)
arXiv:2609.01794 [cs.CL]
(or arXiv:2609.01794v1 [cs.CL] for this version)
https://doi.org/10.48550/arXiv.2609.01794 Focus to learn more arXiv-issued DOI via DataCite (pending registration)
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